ࡱ> RTS#` >'bjbjmm .J>|0 N>H H H H H # # # $hi# # iiH H iH H iH < %h_^0N"#  18# # # # # # NiiiiPdP Are the Chinese the saviours or the new colonizers of Congo? (Partly translation of an article written in Dutch by John Van Daele and published in MO* magazine. Edited in Belgium, February 2008. See also full article in Dutch at www.mo.be) The Congolese authorities seem dissatisfied with the lack of Western support and say that they have no choice but to team up with the Chinese. In that respect, the success of the Chinese projects is crucial to President Joseph Kabila. Indeed, in his recent address to the nation he said just that: The Chinese banks are willing to co-finance our five project sites. For the first time in their history, the Congolese people will feel, in their wallets, what the useful purpose is of all that copper, cobalt and nickel. MO* was granted leave to inspect the contracts between China and Congo (see box). The basic agreement about Socomin was finalized in the course of December 2007, after 2 months of negotiations in Peking. It took a long time, thats for sure, said Paul Fortin, the French-born CEO/President of the DRCs state-owned mining company, Gecamines. One has to agree, you see, on an economic model that stipulates how you can pay off the Chinese investments with the revenue from Socomin. For the rest, it was just a matter of normal business negotiations, comparable to those for the many other partnerships of Gecamines with private sector partners. One conclusion of the talks is that Socomin, over a 15-year period, will raise about ten million tonnes of copper and cobalt in order to pay off the loans. Since Socomin is two-thirds held by Chinese players the company will, naturally, be delivering to China. But that will, of course, be at normal market prices, Fortin assured us. The Chinese have hedged their position quite aggressively. The first profit has to go towards paying off the mine investment, just like on other private sector agreements with Gecamines. It also states, in the agreement, that the Congolese government has to guarantee the safety of the investments and the payment of the infrastructural works. In case of dispute, the arbitration tribunal of the international Chamber of Commerce in Paris is competent, and not the Congolese court. On the other hand, there are some clauses which disprove the colonization theory. It is stipulated, therein, that only one out of every five employees may be Chinese and, that in each project, half a per cent of the investment has to be spent on the training of Congolese staff and the transfer of technology. Ten to twelve per cent has to be farmed out to Congolese companies. One per cent has to go on social activities in the region and three per cent of the amount has to be earmarked for covering environmental costs. How all this will work out for Congo, remains to be seen. What will be the level of workmanship of the completed work? Is Congo capable of inspecting this? One thing is clear: this is not the simple, black-and-white issue that some people wanted it to be. Fortin is enthusiastic: Congo does not have to hang around for much-needed public infrastructure until it can pay for it out of its own funds. With its raw materials as collateral, building work on that infrastructure can start in 2008 already. Except for oil-rich states, I know of no other deal quite like this. The exchange agreement with the Chinese appears to be a satisfactory solution to get things done in the short term. A better run state is still a must though, and a necessary precondition for making good use of (and maintaining) all those new roads, railways, hospitals and schools. For the Belgians, Chinas role in this is, at times, a tad frustrating. Through their projects, the Chinese gain access to copper and cobalt; the Belgians dont or at least not directly. This at a time when we ought, nonetheless, to be mindful of long-term provisioning (of commodities to Belgium), a diplomat impressed upon me. Would the Belgian development-aid community tolerate us operating like the Chinese? And thats just one question I have. Another is: what other nation is able to carry out such gigantic projects as cheaply and quickly as the Chinese? Which European country still possesses the publicly-owned enterprises to undertake such ventures? The Belgian ambassador in Congo, Johan Swinnen, advocates, categorically, that the prominent Chinese role should be formalized. Currently, the consultation between Kabila and the international community takes the form of a 3+2: the US, France and Great Britain plus Belgium and South Africa. It would be better to include China in those talks, said Swinnen. For the times they are a-changin. Exclusive: the contracts between China and Congo -The main agreement was concluded between the Congolese state and three large Chinese publicly-owned enterprises, including the Eximbank which, for years now, has extended large loans to Chinese contractors. The agreement stipulates that these two parties should form the semi-public company Socomin (Socit Congolaise Minire) incorporated under Congolese law. 32 per cent of that companys shares are held by the large publicly-owned mining company of Katanga Province, Gecamines, and the other 68 per cent by the Chinese. Socomin will exploit the natural resources of Congo, chiefly in the vicinity of Likasi (the Mashama and Dima basins, and the synclinal Dik colline). It concerns, for the most part, new mines. Nothing is taken away from existing mine workings, except for part of Katanga Mining Ltd. owned by the Belgian George Forrest, who has been reimbursed for that. -In a first phase, Socomins revenues will be used to repay the mine investments of 3 billion dollars. Gecamines is also given a correcting loan, with which the back pay of Belgian ex-employees, among others, can be paid. - In a second phase, 66 per cent of the net profit will go towards paying off the loans that the Chinese will, by then, have used to pay for the infrastructural works. The other 34 per cent is distributed among the shareholders. During those two phases, the joint venture is exempted from all taxation. - This is followed by a 9-billion-dollar list of infrastructural works which the two large Chinese publicly-owned enterprises will build between them. Which high-voltage power lines and power plants Sinohydro will build or renovate is precisely specified therein. Sinohydro is a large state-owned company that has furnished the backbone of Chinese hydraulic engineering works and hydro-electric power stations. The company will also repair and expand the water supply in Lubumbashi, and also construct 49 distribution centres supplying potable water, 31 hospitals with 150 beds, 145 health centres with 50 beds, 4 large universities, the parliament and 20 000 council houses/flats. - The China Railway Engineering Company (CREC) is a state-owned company that laid two-thirds of the Chinese rail network (no less than 400 000 km) and has 280 000 employees. CREC is tasked with renovating the railway between the ports of Muambe, Matadi and Kinshasa, the railway between Kinshasa, Ilebo, Lubumbashi and Kasumbalesa, and the railway between Lubumbashi, Kindu, Kalemie and the north-east of Congo. In and around Kinshasa, 250 km of roads will be built, including an orbital motorway round the city and, elsewhere too, many new roads are planned. - In addition, an agreement also exists between the Congolese government and the private company Shanghai Pengxin Group Ltd. to develop public infrastructure with project funding covered by revenue from natural resources. Shanghai Pengxin has to mobilize 1 billion dollars, 850 million dollars of which is for the mining and infrastructural works, and 150 million dollars as budgetary assistance to the government. It is stipulated, in the agreement, that the mining has to be on a sufficiently large scale to repay that amount. Pengxin has mining permits to exploit mineral deposits in Kamoya and Kambove. (2<>`hs $ ( 0 9 ? 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